Pangkor Treaty of 1874

Written by Anas Nor’azim

On the 20th of January 1874, onboard the colonial steamer Pluto off the coast of Perak, representatives of the United Kingdom met with the then Raja Muda Abdullah of Perak to sign the Pangkor Treaty of 1874. The signing of the treaty came as a result of a multi-day conference organised by Andrew Clarke, then Governor of the Strait Settlements, which saw the attendance of representatives from the Ghee Hin and Hai San secret societies, local Malay Chiefs and Mantri Ngah Ibrahim, administrator of the district of Larut. 

Historians have often attributed the treaty as a crucial turning point, which paved the way for the expansion of British imperialism into the Malay Peninsular (Tanah Melayu), yet awareness of the treaty, along with its consequences, remains muted within the public consciousness. In this brief introduction, we shall look into the circumstances that led to the signing of the treaty, the motives and content of the treaty itself, along with its consequences for British expansion in the region and subsequent effects on political developments in the Peninsular.

Tanah Melayu in the 19th Century

The 19th century marked a transitional period in Malaya which greatly affected the socio-economic and political make-up of the region. In particular, and of special relevance to the treaty, was the expansion of the tin mining industry, which attracted a large number of immigrants, in particular those hailing from China, the demographic effects of which can be clearly seen in modern Malaysia. Local Malay elites of the time jostled and fought over control of land and resources, in which the wealth brought by the tin industry played a significant factor and a British Empire with an expanding appetite for expansion saw fit to take advantage of the situation for its imperial ambitions. Each of these intertwining elements would shape the content of the Pangkor Treaty itself and will be dealt with in detail below.

The Expansion of the Tin Industry (and the Introduction of Chinese Labour).

Tin mining already existed in the Malay Peninsula prior to the 19th century, its principal markets being India and China (1), yet changes in economic conditions elsewhere and advancements and innovations in transport brought significant expansion to the industry by the mid to late 19th century. In particular, the Industrial Revolution in Britain eventually led to the invention and expansion of modern tinplate manufacturing, sheets of steel coated with tin to prevent rust, crucial in the canning of foods. This, along with the repeal of all duties for imported tin into Britain in 1853, and significant advancements in transportation due to the introduction of steamships and the opening of the Suez Canal, which shortened seaborne travel from Singapore to London to several weeks, led to an increased appetite for tin from the United Kingdom, of which Malaya was eager to fulfil.

The early history of tin mining in Malaya was dominated by Chinese entrepreneurs, rather than their European counterparts. This domination in turn can be attributed to several factors, most relevant to us is the increased available labour force, thanks in no small part to encouragement by the Strait Settlements government, eager for revenues earned through taxation. The Chinese migrants themselves, the majority of whom hailed from the southeastern region of Guangdong, Fujian and Guangxi, were incentivised by increasing hardships in the Mainland, especially after the outbreak of the Taiping Rebellion in 1851. Malaya gave hope for an escape from poverty back home, with the sliver of successful merchants serving as an inspiration.

Ready access to capital was also an important factor to consider, as it became common for local Malay chiefs seeking to expand their tin mining to look for wealthy Chinese traders from the Straits to fund their ventures, and recruit Chinese labour to manage and work the mine. This form of cooperation, between the Malay elites and Chinese labourers and wealthy Chinese investors, was being replicated all over the Peninsular, not limited to tin mining. With the notable exception of Johor, local Malay elites were content to let the Chinese exist outside of centralised authority, as long as profits continued to flow to local authorities (though one could speculate that this may be a result of their lack of centralised control in their own territories). This would have significant consequences, as we shall see.

The Growth of the Secret Societies

In time, the growing Chinese community would establish distinct organisations, typically drawn from forms of organisations present back in the Mainland, from the kongsi, a form of cooperative business venture, and most relevant to our case, the secret societies. The nature of these groups, which typically organised themselves around clan and dialect affiliations, along with the high degree of independence in which they operated, had the unintended consequences of transporting rivalries and hostilities from China into the Malay World. Important for our context, were two groups; the Ghee Hin, who were Cantonese and Hokkien dominated; and the Hai San, who were Hakka dominated.

Though termed ‘secret societies’, outside of rituals and oaths, their day-to-day operations were largely conducted openly. These organisations provided Chinese migrants with protection and assistance in an unfamiliar and often hostile environment. Other important advantages include providing links with China and connections with wealthy Chinese businessmen. Access to these opportunities is not without cost, however, as the society often demands in return acts of service in any capacity, as is often the case during conflicts with other rival societies. (2)

Malay Rule in the 19th Century.

Following the regicide of Sultan Mahmud Syah II in 1699, and the subsequent decline of the old Johor Sultanate, the situation in the region grew more unstable. With neither the Dutch nor the local Malay sultanates able to exert regional control, the Peninsular was divided between various factions, each attempting to assert their independence and supremacy in the region. With the advent and expansion of Bugis influence, growing Anglo-Dutch rivalry, a resurgent Siam and weakening central authority amongst the disparate Malay entities, already by the end of the 18th century one could speak of the demise of the Malay Entrepot state that had come to dominate the region previously. (3)

Stamford Raffles had spoken of a ‘decay’ besetting the Malay World in this period, and to observers in the Strait Settlements, developments in the 19th century would only serve to prove his point. (4) Conflict between Tun Mutahir and Tun Perak over succession to the Pahang throne led to the outbreak of the Pahang Civil War (1857-1863), while in Negeri Sembilan, long-standing disputes between the ruling elites bled into conflicts over control of revenue and the right to levy new customs duties, opportunities of which had been expanding owing to the growing tin industry. In Selangor, similar conflicts broke out between ruling elites over control of the tin-rich region of Klang, leading to the Klang War, which lasted between 1867 to 1874. The Klang War saw two particular innovations, the involvement of the Chinese secret societies, and the involvement of the British.

The British in Malaya

By the mid-19th century, British presence in the region had already been established in Penang, Melaka and Singapore, later coalescing into the Strait Settlements in 1826. While trade and population within these territories were rapidly expanding, the British were initially reluctant to further extend their territorial control into the Peninsular proper. The two sides, between those who argued for the benefits of commercial exploitation under British protection and those more cautious of expansion in fear of its destabilising consequences, debated the right course of action. The outbreak of the year-long Naning War stemmed the appetite for expansion, due to its considerable expense relative to its dubious reward. (5) In addition, limited finance and the curtailment of Dutch expansion into the region due to the Anglo-Dutch treaty of 1824 provided further impetus for a non-interventionist policy. The goal, at least for now, was trade, not territory. (6, 7)

Yet, as conflict broke out in rich tin regions, the Strait Settlements were under increased pressure to intervene as Chinese mining groups and wealthy Straits merchants were increasingly determined to ensure that the victors were the people who favour their particular business interests. Through petitions, public meetings, press releases and personal connections, vested interests from various camps lobbied to argue for British intervention to create conditions more conducive to the expansion of trade and investments. Finally, the British broke with its non-interventionist policy by siding with Tengku Kudin in the latter stages of the Klang War, through the forced expulsion of his rival, Raja Mahdi, from Kuala Selangor.

All the previously aforementioned elements; tin mining interests, rivalries between Chinese secret societies, succession and territorial conflicts between Malay elites and British expansion of influence would characterise the nature of the upcoming conflict in Perak.

Larut Wars

In Perak, much like previously in Selangor and Pahang, long-standing disputes over succession often led to intense internal rivalries between members of the ruling class, and in the case of Perak, further complicated by the presence of ambitious chiefs that could operate with a degree of independence owing to their geographical isolation and extensive tin deposits. (8) One such example was the district of Larut, separated from the rest of Perak by a range of hills. In 1858, Ngah Ibrahim inherited the region’s vast wealth from tin mining and its massive Chinese population after the death of his father Long Ja’afar. In 1861, conflict broke out amongst the region’s Chinese population, the majority of whom were affiliated with the Hai San secret society (9), against adherents of the Ghee Hin secret society, over control of the watercourse which was feeding both of their mines. While the Hai San were initially successful in expelling the Ghee Hin from the region, the Ghee Hin drew upon its connections in Penang to demand compensation from Perak over the losses of their mines. The fighting did not stop, however, and soon by 1865, the conflict had spread all over Perak, with riots breaking out in Penang.

Sultan Ali of Perak died in 1871 and the succession dispute, which had long threatened to develop into armed conflict, finally came to a head. Raja Abdullah, the foremost candidate for succession, was not present at the funeral, and in his place, Raja Bendahara Ismail was elected as ruler with the support of other members of the ruling class, most notable of which was Ngah Ibrahim, who had conflicted with Raja Abdullah before. In turn, Raja Abdullah enlisted the help of the Ghee Hin, and Ngah Ibrahim in turn enlisted the help of the Hai San, each to secure their positions. What was originally a conflict over control of tin mines had become intertwined with Perak’s longstanding internal disputes.

The conflict naturally attracted a great deal of attention from the Strait Settlement merchant community, many of whom held significant investments in Perak’s tin mines. There was growing anxiety that instability in the region would affect not only current investment and trade but also future economic possibilities but with Britain still cautious of its position, a hard interventionist policy a.k.a annexation was difficult to pursue. Instead, it is proposed that a British advisor be imposed on a Malay ruler, whose advice would encourage him to rule in a manner more conducive to British interests. In part, this proposal was inspired in large part by figures such as Raja Juma’at and Sultan Abu Bakar of Johor, whose English mannerisms and style of governance were seen as crucial elements to their success.

The Treaty

In 1873, Andrew Clarke, newly appointed Governor of the Strait Settlements, sought to finally settle the disputes between the secret societies and among the Malay elites. A ceasefire between the Ghee Hin and Hai San was arranged and leading figures of the Perak ruling class were arranged to meet him in Pangkor Island to settle the succession dispute. Raja Abdullah, emulated Tengku Kudin, by choosing to employ the help of the British to fulfil his aspirations as Sultan. He communicated with Clarke his desire for a Resident in Perak, in return for recognition as the Sultan of Perak.

And thus, the Treaty of Pangkor was signed on the 20th of January 1874. The contents of the treaty can be summarised as such (10);

1. Raja Abdullah is to be recognised as the Sultan of Perak
2. In turn, Raja Bendahara is allowed to retain the title of ‘Sultan Muda’ with a pension and a small territory assigned to him
3. The power given to the Orang Kayah Mantri over Larut by the late Sultan be confirmed
4. The Sultan is to receive a Resident whose advice must be asked and acted upon on all questions other than those touching Malay religion and custom
5. That the Governor of Larut shall have attached to him as Assistant Resident with similar powers and subordinate only to the Resident.
6. That on the cessation of the present disturbances in Perak and the re-establishment of peace and amity among the contending factions in that country, immediate measures under the control and supervision of one or more British Officers shall be taken for restoring as far as practicable the occupation of the mines, and the possession of machinery, &c., as held previous to the commencement of these disturbances, and for the payment of compensation for damages,
7. The Mantri of Larut engages to acknowledge as a debt due by him to the Government of the Straits Settlements, the charges and expenses incurred

Consequences

While the Pangkor Treaty did not mark the initial foray of British imperial intervention into the region, it did accelerate the speed at which the British would expand and it did mark a turning point in the relationship between the British and the Malay states. In particular, the Resident system would be replicated throughout the Peninsular. J.W.W Birch would be assigned to be the first Resident of Perak, while Captain Speedy was to be the Assistant Resident in Larut. Three commissioners, among which included Frank Swettenham, who would later have a colourful career in the colonial administration, would be tasked with supervising the dismantling of stockades, freeing women taken as captives in the war and resolving the disputes over the watercourse. 

J.W.W Birch would not last long in his role however, as disputes arising from the issue of fugitive slaves and feudal dues were seen as interference with Malay religion and custom, and led to his assassination on the 2nd of November 1875, at the hands of Dato’ Maharaja Lela, two days shy from a year since his appointment. The Pangkor Treaty, signed to resolve the conflict in Perak, had led to the outbreak of a different war altogether.

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Notes and References

(1) Andaya, B. W., & Andaya, L. Y. (2017). A History of Malaysia. Bloomsbury Publishing. p.136
(2) Comber, L. (1956). Chinese Secret Societies in Malaya; an Introduction. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 29(1 (173)), 146–162. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41503202
(3) Andaya, B. W., & Andaya, L. Y. (2017). A History of Malaysia. Bloomsbury Publishing. p.108
(4) On the question of political turmoil and weakening central authority of the Malay states, Barbara and Leonard (1982, p.76) seem to suggest that this is by no means special, as periods of turmoil had beset the region before, especially following the collapse of hegemonic regional entities such as Srivijaya, Melaka and Johor. I am inclined to disagree by way of my own scepticism towards cyclical notions of history. A look into these periods show that while on the surface it is true, a more detailed study shows that divergences exist in terms of outcome and socio-political conditions so as to make this a mere act of repetition unlikely. At most one can draw the conclusion that the collapse of a regional power leads to conflict between smaller regional actors as they struggle to fill the power vacuum, an observation that in itself is rather uncontroversial, but this observation alone does little to elaborate on the actual historical details of such conflicts nor is it enough to suggest a cyclical pattern.
(5) ibid p.123
(6) One notable exception were the ventures of a certain James Brooke in Borneo, though connections with the British Empire, once his rule in Sarawak was established, remained informal.
(7) ibid. p.125
(8) ibid p.149
(9) Kim, K. K. (1991). Taiping (Larut): The Early History of a Mining Settlement. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 64(1 (260)), 1–32. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41493171
(10) Kim, K. K., & Clarke, A. (1974). The Pangkor Engagement of 1874. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 47(1 (225)), 1–12. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41511011